Tuesday, November 5, 2013

SSW107: Addictions - Causes & Theories

What is the "disease model" approach to behavioral addiction 



What is the "biopsychosocial perspective" of addiction?



Biology of Drug Addiction



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Pleasure and pain

McGill. 



Researchers say cocaine alters the nucleus accumbens, the brain’s pleasure center that responds to stimuli such as food, sex, and drugs.
“Understanding what happens molecularly to this brain region during long-term exposure to drugs might give us insight into how addiction occurs,” says A. J. Robison, assistant professor in the department of physiology and the neuroscience program at Michigan State University.
The researchers found that cocaine causes cells in the nucleus accumbens to boost production of two proteins, one associated with addiction and the other related to learning. The proteins have a reciprocal relationship—they increase each other’s production and stability in the cells—so the result is a snowball effect that Robison calls a feed-forward loop.
In their research published in the Journal of Neuroscience, Robison and colleagues demonstrated that loop’s essential role in cocaine responses by manipulating the process in rodents.
They found that raising production of the protein linked to addiction made animals behave as if they were exposed to cocaine even when they weren’t. They also were able to break the loop, disrupting rodents’ response to cocaine by preventing the function of the learning protein.
“At every level that we study, interrupting this loop disrupts the process that seems to occur with long-term exposure to drugs,” says Robison.
Robison says the study also found signs of the same feed-forward loop in the brains of people who died while addicted to cocaine.
“The increased production of these proteins that we found in the animals exposed to drugs was exactly paralleled in a population of human cocaine addicts,” he says. “That makes us believe that the further experiments and manipulations we did in the animals are directly relevant to humans.”
“This sort of molecular pathway could be interrupted using genetic medicine, which is what we did with the mice,” he says. “Many researchers think that is the future of medicine.”



Sunday, November 3, 2013

SSW107: Addictions - Statistics & Legislative Responses

Cross-Canada Report on Student Alcohol and Drug Use

Ontario Student Drug Use & Health Survey - 2011


Adolescent Health Survey - Powerpoint - slide 37 Substance Use

What a Difference a Year Can Make: Early alcohol and marijuana use among 16 to 18 year old BC students.






Alcohol and marijuana factsheet (printer friendly)

Other substances factsheet



Legal & Other Responses

Canada Vancouver drug problem - February 2010


From the Stop the Violence BC coalition:

Stop the Violence BC is a coalition of law enforcement officials, legal experts, medical and public health officials and academic experts concerned about the links between cannabis prohibition in BC and the growth of organized crime and related violence in the province.

Stop the Violence is an educational campaign seeking to improve community safety by broadening the public’s understanding of the link between cannabis prohibition and gang violence. Guided by the best available scientific evidence, Stop the Violence BC is calling for cannabis to be governed by a strict regulatory framework aimed at limiting use while also starving organized crime of the profits they currently reap as a result of prohibition.

THE MARIJUANA WARS: A Police Officer Speaks Out


Video: Vancouver Downtown Community Court


Every War On Drugs Myth Thoroughly Destroyed By A Retired Police Captain



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Matthew Perry: When a Court Orders an Addict to Treatment Instead of Prison We all Rise
Hooper, D. (2013). Social Work Helper

"Matthew along with many others are advocating for government funding to Drug Courts because they make sense, cost-effective, and measurable. The biggest barrier for prevention programs aren’t funding, it’s for profit prisons. As long as sending people to prison is incentivized, there is no incentive to find solutions."

According to the All Rise National Association of Drug Court Professionals website:

In Drug Court, these two words have an even greater meaning. These simple words capture the essence of what a Drug Court does. ALL RISE describes how instead of imprisoning an addict, Drug Courts insert hope and support into the very lives of people who the traditional justice system says are hopeless.

Whenever one person rises out of addiction and crime, we ALL RISE. When a child is reunited with clean and sober parents, we ALL RISE. When the intergenerational cycle of drug addiction in a family is broken and healing begins, we ALL RISE. Whether the charge is driving while impaired, theft, burglary or any number of other addiction-driven offenses, we ALL RISE when a Drug Court guides the offender past the chaos and wreckage and toward recovery.

When a court orders an addict to treatment instead of prison, we All Rise” ~ Martin Sheen

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The drug war debate must change. Canada can help
Muggah, R. (2013). The Globe and Mail. 

Leaders from Mexico, Central America and countries like Bolivia and Uruguay are increasingly convinced that the war on drugs is failing. And it seems that at least one country in North America also tacitly agrees. U.S. President Barack Obama’s recent visit to Mexico and Central America presaged a remarkable shift in narrative from security to economic priorities. And an unprecedentedreport by the Organization of American States also calls attention to the shortcomings of counter-narcotics efforts across the western hemisphere.

The United States has spent more than $14-billion on military equipment and drug eradication efforts in Colombia, Mexico, and Central America over the past decade and a half. It may have spent more than atrillion dollars since the 1960s. Now the United States is publicly calling for a more “balanced” approach since, as one official explained: “there are only so many black hawks [helicopters] we can sell them.”
To be sure, the refocusing of attention on the economic drivers of organized crime, including big time drug traffickers and organized gangs, is a welcome development. After years of peddling repression, there may now be space to discuss the underlying factors that give rise to the supply and demand for drugs in the first place. It is widely known that poverty, inequality, and weak public institutions give rise to violent criminal entrepreneurs. The novel emphasis of the presidents of Mexico and Central America on education and jobs for vulnerable youth is undoubtedly good news.
But a simplistic focus on economic development will not diminish the region’s drug and gang problems. Instead, it risks depoliticizing the debate, and concealing the ways in which corrupt elites keep the drug business alive. What is really needed is a comprehensive strategy that elevates violence prevention as the goal of drug policy. This means investing not just in police and judicial institutions as Canada is currently doing, but also increasing spending on education and job placement for at-risk youth, supporting single mothers, and promoting urban renewal in hot spots.
Canada and the United States should also reconsider the metrics by which they measure success in dealing with illicit drug production, trafficking, and consumption. This means moving beyond the amount of drug crops eradicated, suspects put in jail, or the price of cocaine in Toronto or New York. Good policy should be measured in terms of its harm reduction effects, including fewer murders, overdoses, and new cases of needle-related disease, and decreased prison populations. Policies based on evidence rather than ideology are needed now more than ever.
Robert Muggah is research director of the Igarape Institute, a principal of the SecDev Group, and a professor at the Instituto de Relacoes Internacionais. This article is published in partnership with the Canadian International Council and its international-affairs hub OpenCanada.
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Did Chief Jamie Graham try to muzzle cop who supports drug legalization?
Lindsay, B. (2013). Vancouver Sun.
The Victoria Police Department and Chief Jamie Graham are evidently not supporters of a growing movement calling the War on Drugs a dismal failure.
If the allegations in a human rights complaint filed by Const. David Bratzer are to be believed, Graham was not impressed when the lower-ranking officer joined up withLaw Enforcement Against Prohibition and began speaking out against the prohibition of marijuana and other drugs. Bratzer claims he was discriminated against because of his political beliefs when his superiors — including Graham — allegedly tried to restrict his freedom of speech.
Bratzer, currently the coordinator of the VicPD’s bait car program, submitted his complaint to the B.C. Human Rights Tribunal earlier this year and on Friday the bulk of it was accepted for filing.
According to tribunal documents, when Bratzer first joined LEAP in 2008, he told his bosses that he would let them know when he performed any public work on behalf of LEAP, and promised he would always make clear that his views were personal and did not represent those of VicPD.
Despite those pledges, which he says he has kept, Bratzer alleges that he has been barred from participating in a panel discussion on harm reduction, ordered not to publicly comment on the Washington State marijuana legalization referendum last year and repeatedly reminded of Graham’s disapproval.
Those actions, Bratzer told the tribunal, “demonstrate repeated efforts to restrict, prevent or deter him from the responsible public expression, outside working hours, of his political belief.”
Bratzer isn’t the first police officer to publicly speak out against prohibition. Former West Vancouver police chief Kash Heed also supports marijuana legalization and LEAP boasts a wide-ranging membership that includes retired DEA special agents, former NYPD officers, a Brazilian police chief and active officers of just about every rank across the U.S.
The Canadian branch boasts former correctional officers, a retired RCMP chief superintendent, a retired B.C. Supreme Court Justice, a former federal prosecutor and former Vancouver mayor Senator Larry Campbell.

Thursday, October 31, 2013

SSW106: Poverty Reduction Strategies

Introduction of the BC Poverty Reduction Act 2011


Seth Klein - Ontario's Poverty Reduction Plan


Audio: $2750 a month for every adult, guaranteed? Switzerland's considering it.

PRI's The World, (2013).

Here's a deal: Each month the Swiss government will send every adult a check for about 2,500 swiss francs (roughly $2,750) — no matter their need or income.
In response to growing economic inequality, a grassroots movement in Switzerland collected the 100,000 signatures needed to secure a national referendum on their basic income proposal. Swiss law states any petition that receives at least 100,000 signatures will be voted on nationally.
"It is not as kooky as it sounds," says Karl Widerquist, a Georgetown University professor who has researched basic income policy for a decade. "It's the idea of putting a floor under people's income, the idea that income doesn't have to start at zero."
Basic income is a social security system in which the government regularly gives each citizen a sum of money — with no conditions. 
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Vancouver Rent bank celebrates first anniversary

Since last October, rent bank has approved 137 interest-free loans

Howell, M. (2013). Vancouver Courier. 

At 58, Rene Kwan hoped at this point in his life that he wouldn’t need to seek a loan from the city’s rent bank.
An accountant for 25 years, Kwan was forced to retire because he is losing his vision. His disability and other circumstances have left him living on a Canada pension of $550 per month.
“I worked hard and this is what I ended up with — $550 a month,” he said, noting his rent is $450 per month. “It’s sad.”
Kwan is the youngest of his family, some of whom lived in Canada and others in the Philippines. They’ve all since passed on, leaving Kwan by himself in an apartment at 23rd and Fraser.
He described his situation as being “stuck in the corner.”
Last fall, Kwan was referred to the city’s rent bank after visiting with a seniors advocate downtown. He filled out an application, met the criteria and was given a $500 loan.
It allowed him to avoid eviction. He praised the staff at the rent bank and said the service “saved his life for now.” The arrangement he agreed to with staff was to pay back $20 per month, interest free.
“I know it’s not that much, but it worked out with my problem issue,” he said of the $500 loan. “And the return amount [of $20 per month] is very humane.”
Kwan attended a press conference Tuesday that marked the one-year anniversary of the city’s rent bank. Since October 2012, the rent bank approved 137 interest-free loans, helping 228 people avoid being evicted from their homes. Staff counted 39 children among the recipients.
The total amount of loans was $124,171 and the average loan was $906. So far, 70 per cent of loans are being repaid in monthly instalments, although recipients have a maximum of 24 months to repay. Money is automatically withdrawn from a person’s account.
The reasons recipients have applied for a loan included underemployment, a health crisis, a family crisis, job loss, laid off and delays in receiving Employment Insurance. The majority of loans — 87 per cent — went to single-income households and 43 per cent to people 55 or older.
The highest demand for loans came from residents of the West End, Grandview-Woodlands, downtown, Hastings-Sunrise, Strathcona and Mount Pleasant. The average household income was $18,056.
The rent bank was established to operate for three years. Its loan budget, which is funded by The Radcliffe Foundation, is $365,000 over three years. The City of Vancouver committed to $148,00 over three years for operating costs. The Vancouver Foundation contributed another $90,000 for operating costs. 

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These two significant reports showcase what we have learned so far about the Housing First approach, one of the recommendations for action featured in Changing Directions, Changing Lives: The Mental Health Strategy for Canada. As we continue to provide housing and services for nearly one thousand homeless people living with mental health issues in five cities across Canada, we are gathering significant evidence about what works and what does not.
Through our Interim Report, you will learn more about housing outcomes, service use and costing. You will find evidence for the following main findings:
  • Housing First improves the lives of those who are homeless and have a mental illness
  • Housing First makes better use of public dollars, especially for those who are high service users
  • Housing First can be implemented across Canada
  • A cross ministry approach that combines health, housing, social services with non profit and private sector partners is required to solve chronic homelessness.
  • Solving chronic homelessness can create dramatic improvements for Canadian communities

Through our Early Findings Vol. 3 report, you will learn more about some of the qualitative findings related to how the lives of project participants have changed in key areas such as:
  • Social and family relationships
  • Control over personal lives
  • Disruptions due to illness
  • Contributions to community
  • Educational opportunities












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Homelessness In Canada Is Shrinking, Candice Bergen, Social Development Minister Says

Canadian Press/HuffPost (2013).           

OTTAWA - Cities across the country are seeing their homeless populations shrink thanks to efforts by the federal government and its partners to provide permanent housing to those languishing on the streets, says Canada's social development minister.

Homelessness in Edmonton dropped by 20 per cent between 2008 and 2010 and about 4,000 people in Toronto have moved into permanent housing in the last eight years, Candice Bergen told the National Conference on Homelessness on Tuesday.

"Moving forward, we will be looking for even more ways to support communities in developing local solutions to homelessness and we'll help them capitalize on the effectiveness of Housing First," she said.

Those efforts will involve requiring communities with the worst homelessness problems to invest much of their federal government funding into Housing First.

An estimated 30,000 people are homeless on any given night while as many as 200,000 Canadians a year confront homelessness.

The Conservative government surprised anti-poverty advocates in its March budget by announcing a five-year renewal of funding for the Homelessness Partnering Strategy.

The budget cited evidence from a massive Housing First pilot project, run by the Mental Health Commission of Canada, that helped find and pay for homes for mentally ill homeless people in five cities. The pilot also provided recipients with as many social services as they needed to stay housed.

"The policy shift that the federal government announced in its budget this year is going to radically overhaul Canada's response to homelessness," said Tim Richter, head of the Canadian Alliance to End Homelessness.

"It changes our efforts from simply a response to an emergency situation to one that focuses on permanent housing for chronically homeless people. We've not seen anything like it in the past. It's really going to shape how communities respond to homelessness in the future."

The mental health commission estimates about half of homeless people in Canada have severe mental illnesses. A study in Toronto found that 71 per cent of people in shelters have a mental illness, an addiction or both.

Bergen says she's committed as minister of state for social development to eradicate the problem.
"I'm here today to tell you that my goal is not to be the minister who tries to manage homelessness," she said. "I'm here to be the minister who put us on the track to end homelessness in Canada."

Wednesday, October 30, 2013

SSW106: First Nations People & Poverty

Infographic: Aboriginal Poverty




Aboriginal Poverty - Canada


Michael Champagne

Filmmaker Wab Kinew profiles a young Aboriginal man, Michael Champagne, who pulled himself out of a childhood of poverty and violence in downtown Winnipeg.
DOC ZONE | Season 2011- 12Episode 1 | Dec 8, 2011

Wab Kinew on George Stroumboulopoulos Tonight: BIO and Interview


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Aboriginal Children's Village opens in East Vancouver

Housing development built for foster children and their families.

Howell, M. (2013). Vancouver Courier. 

Aboriginal foster children are placed in units with foster parents. But if the parents and children don’t prove to be a good match, it’s the parents who have to move on — not the children, as Stewart did when he was a child.
“The whole foster system needs an overhaul and this is a good start,” he said.
The 24-unit building is set up so a foster child could conceivably remain a resident for many years. Some of the units are so-called transition apartments designated for children once they become adults.
Counselling and support for families and children is available at the building, along with training for foster parents and respite workers. An aboriginal art mentorship program, which has welcomed celebrated artist Robert Davidson, is on site.
While Stewart is proud of the new building, he said the public should not lose sight of the fact that thousands of aboriginal people are on waiting lists for suitable and affordable housing in Vancouver and the Lower Mainland.
Lu’ma Native Housing Society, which owns and manages the building, has a waiting list of 4,500 people wanting housing. Other First Nations societies such as Vancouver Native Housing Society also have long waiting lists, Stewart said.
The City of Vancouver’s release last month of its March 2013 homeless count also showed aboriginal people comprised 30 per cent of the city’s homeless population, although Stewart believes the number is higher. He suggested some of those homeless were likely foster children at one point in their lives.
“There’s such a high correlation between being a foster child and homelessness and something like this [building] will hopefully get people another option,” he said.
But, he acknowledged, getting more housing complexes built in Vancouver is an expensive venture, noting the new building cost $17 million and took seven years of wrangling with all three levels of government to get it built.
Lu’ma contributed $10.6 million, with the provincial government kicking in $5.2 million and the federal government adding $710,000. The City of Vancouver provided $240,000 in addition to levy reductions of more than $214,000.
Marjorie White, the vice president of Lu’ma Native Housing Society, said the lack of funding committed to more affordable housing makes it difficult to meet the needs of people without decent homes or living on the street. Lu’ma already has 380 apartments spread over 15 buildings.
The building was named after Dave Pranteau, who was described by White and others as a tireless leader in the aboriginal community who pushed for more housing and improving social and economic conditions for aboriginal people. He died last year.
“Dave was well known to many of us here in Vancouver and elsewhere in British Columbia for his leadership, teachings and compassion,” White said. “He has been by our side and we believe he still is in helping our cause to advocate for safe, culturally appropriate and affordable housing for aboriginal peoples.”
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MacDonald, D. & Wilson, D. (2013). Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. 

Based on data from the 2006 census, this study disaggregates child poverty statistics and identifies three tiers of poverty for children in Canada. In particular, it finds that Indigenous children in Canada are over two and a half times more likely to live in poverty than non-Indigenous children. According to the report, Indigenous children trail the rest of Canada’s children on practically every measure of wellbeing: family income, educational attainment, crowding and homelessness, poor water quality, infant mortality, health and suicide. 

Olson, A. (2013). The Associated Press. 

UNITED NATIONS -- Canada is facing a crisis over aboriginal issues despite years of efforts to overcome tensions and address social problems, a UN expert who recently visited the country said Monday.

James Anaya, UN special rapporteur on indigenous rights, said Canada has not narrowed social disparities between aboriginal and other Canadians in recent years. He said disputes over land and natural resources continue to be a source of tension and distrust.

In a statement following his visit to Canada, Anaya said aboriginal peoples live in conditions comparable to much poorer countries.

He said one in five indigenous Canadians live in dilapidated and often overcrowded homes and "funding for aboriginal housing is woefully inadequate." He said the suicide rate among Inuit and First Nations youth on reserve is more than five times greater than that of other Canadians. One community Anaya visited had suffered a suicide every six weeks since the start of the year.

Anaya said such problems persist even though Canada was one of the first countries to extend constitutional protection to the rights of indigenous people, has taken notable steps to repair the legacy of past injustices and has develop processes for land claims "that in many respects are models for the world to emulate."

Anaya, who is planning to present a full report to the UN Human Rights Council, had several recommendations for Canada's government.

He encouraged the government "to take a less adversarial" approach to land claim settlements "in which it typically seeks the most restrictive interpretation of aboriginal and treaty rights possible."

He also cautioned the government "not to rush forward" with a proposed First Nations Education Act that indigenous leaders have opposed. The law is meant to allow indigenous communities to establish their own education system and proposes standards for "school success plans," but indigenous leaders say it denies the primary importance of First Nation languages and cultures and fails to affirm First Nation control over their education.

Indigenous leaders have cited legacy of Canada's now-defunct residential school system, in which aboriginal children were removed from their communities and placed in schools intended to strip them of their culture, as an argument for allowing First Nations to control their own education. Prime Minister Stephen Harper issued a historic apology to survivors of the schools in 2008.

In response to Anaya's statement, Canadian Minister for Aboriginal Affairs Bernard Valcourt said the social well-being of aboriginals is "at the center of Canada's preoccupations and explains why the government has taken, and continues to take, effective incremental steps to improve the situation."

More jail won’t solve Canada’s aboriginal incarceration problem

Mason, G. (2013). Globe & Mail. 

There seem to be few people who think the answer to solving the abysmally high incarceration rate for aboriginals is to make it easier to throw them in jail and keep them longer. But that’s what many believe the federal Conservative government is intent on doing.
Last week, B.C.’s provincial health officer, Perry Kendall, added his voice to a burgeoning group of public officials worried about the increasing role that prisons are playing in the lives of First Nations, Inuit and Métis people. His report suggested that the Safe Streets and Communities Act – passed last year – will only intensify the problem.
A few weeks before him, Howard Sapers, Canada’s prison watchdog, was critical of Ottawa for doing little to address a situation he said continues to get worse. In the past five years alone, the population of aboriginal inmates in federal penitentiaries increased by 43 per cent. Today, aboriginal people make up 23 per cent of all inmates in federal institutions despite representing just 4 per cent of Canada’s population.
Before Mr. Sapers, former Supreme Court justice Frank Iacobucci issued a report that suggested Ontario’s justice system is in crisis as it concerns the province’s First Nations community. He found that aboriginal people are subjected to systemic racism in the courts, prison and jury process.
In Saskatchewan, which has the highest native incarceration rate in the country, the person who’s been handed the job of trying to change this grim picture told the Canadian Association of Chiefs of Police that we aren’t going to “arrest our way” out of it.
The Safe Streets Act introduced new mandatory minimum sentences for some offences and increases existing minimum penalties in other areas. It also makes changes to the Youth Criminal Justice Act to allow the courts to keep young people in custody while awaiting sentencing. It’s the contention of Dr. Kendall and others that the act also undermines a section of the Criminal Code that asks judges to consider all possible options for sentencing before choosing prison, especially for aboriginal people.
And this, despite a plethora of studies that have shown that prison and longer sentences don’t act as deterrents or reduce the likelihood that a person will reoffend. In fact, studies have demonstrated that more prison time can actually increase crime.
Most of us are familiar with the litany of reasons why our First Nations people end up in jail. They’re societal, historical and deep rooted in scope. They link to poor health, poor education and the less visible, but no less damaging, influences of colonialism and racism.
In B.C., aboriginal people represent about 5 per cent of the general population but nearly a quarter of the admissions to the province’s correctional centres. Dr. Kendall believes this statistic has the potential to become much worse.
Incarceration rates are highest among those 20 to 34. Dr. Kendall reasonably presumes that the more people you have in that demographic, the greater the likelihood of a higher crime rate. In B.C.’s aboriginal population, there’s an abnormally large number of people in the under 19 group. As this cohort moves into the 20-to-34 category, there’s the real risk that this will increase the already unacceptable overrepresentation in the adult criminal justice system.
Dr. Kendall is urging the federal government to revoke or amend those sections of the Safe Streets Act that he and others believe will only exacerbate an already terrible condition. Rather than locking up aboriginal people and throwing away the key, Dr. Kendall believes we’d be better off providing more resources for rehabilitation and setting off in the more enlightened direction that Saskatchewan has taken than in building more space in our prisons.

Monday, October 28, 2013

SSW106: Homelessness in BC and Canada

Homelessness in Canada


Streets Of Plenty - 1 of 7 - Vancouver Homeless Doc

The Completely Obvious Way To Solve Homelessness

@home: Housing First - Solution to End Homelessness

This video features Mark Horvath from Invisible People and Dr. Sam Tsemberis, who pioneered the housing first model along with the organization Pathways to Housing in New York City. 


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The 2012 report card on the City’s Housing and Homelessness strategy shows Vancouver is currently exceeding all of its short-term targets for protecting and expanding affordable rental housing, building new supportive housing, and ending street homelessness. Vancouver has already met and exceeded its 2015 target for new secured rental housing, achieved 84% of the 2015 goal for new supportive housing units, and is on track to meet or exceed the 2015 targets for new secondary rental units and new social housing. Street homelessness is also down 62% since 2008, from 811 individuals to 306 in 2012.

Youth Homelessness in Canada: Implications for Policy and Practice 

Youth homelessness is a seemingly intractable problem in Canada. In communities across the country, people are increasingly aware of the sight of young people who are without a home, sleeping in parks, sitting on sidewalks or asking for money. What do we know about these young people, and what should we do? 

This report aims to fill a gap in the information available on homelessness by providing an accessible collection of the best Canadian research and policy analysis in the field. In this book, leading Canadian scholars present key findings from their research on youth homelessness. In an effort to make this research accessible as well as relevant to decision-makers and practitioners, contributing authors have been asked to address the 'so whatness' of their research; to make clear the policy and practice implications of their research so as to better inform the efforts of those working to address youth homelessness.

LBGT youth make up chunk of ‘invisible’ homeless numbers 
Thuncher, J. (2013). Vancouver Courier. 


Kicked out of his family home at 17 for being transgendered, Eireann Day struggled to find a stable place to live and dropped out of high school.
He spent time homeless and battling schizophrenia on the streets of Vancouver. All he wanted was a place to stay where he would be accepted but found that hard to come by.
“For a trans guy like myself if I were to access a shelter [… ]I would be forced into a woman’s room and I would be really uncomfortable and they face a lot of violence and bullying in regular shelters,” said Day.
According to Aaron Munro, manager of community development at RainCity Housing and Support Society, Day’s experience is not uncommon. “Studies in the U.S. and Canada have found that LGBTQ2S+ youth make up 30 to 50 percent of homeless youth in major urban centres, that is significant when research also tells us that people who identify as LGBTQ2S+ only represent 10 percent of the general population,” Munro told the Courier by email.
Judy Graves, the longtime City of Vancouver homeless advocate who recently retired, will also be on the Invisible Night panel. She recalls a time when youth homelessness wasn’t a big issue in this city.
“In 1967 it was very easy to find housing if you were young because for a quarter of minimum wage you could rent a housekeeping room in the West End or Kitsilano or Commercial Drive area,” she said.
She blames the cost of land and zoning restrictions that favour single-family homes for locking youth out of the rental housing market.  
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The rental-housing shortage is now a national disaster. It needs Ottawa’s help

Balkissoon, D. (2013). The Globe and Mail. 

What would a Canadian rental-housing disaster look like?
Would it look like 42 per cent of young adults between 20 and 29 living with their parents, up 10 per cent from the early 1990s?
Would it look like 156,358 people waiting for affordable housing in Ontario? Or Vancouver seniors on $1,200 monthly pensions trying to afford that city’s average one-bedroom rent of $982?
... a full third of Canadians are renters, many of them students and newcomers whose journey to stability is made difficult by crowded living situations and constant moving.
Those who follow the rental market daily don’t hesitate to call the situation disastrous. Vacancy rates are dismal across the country. Only 10 per cent of the shiny new buildings that have gone up during the past decade’s housing boom were built expressly to house renters. Many older rental buildings have been demolished in favour of condominiums, while those that still stand have often been left to crumble.
Arguing that housing is a human right doesn’t get much traction with the federal government. Neither, it seems, do economic facts, like the usefulness of a mobile labour force not tied down by mortgages and heavy household debt. Also pointless is linking traffic congestion to the inability of workers to find housing they can afford close to their jobs. “The incremental nature of the problem is what stops us from seeing it as a crisis,” says Steve Pomeroy, a senior research fellow at the University of Ottawa Centre on Governance.
In 2011, Regina instituted a bold five-year, 100 per cent tax exemption for new rental developments. Since 2007, any builder wanting to demolish rental housing in Toronto must include the same number of rental units in a new project, contributing to a slower rate of rental erosion than in Calgary.
These initiatives are well-meaning and they may have success, but without broad, federal action, they’re merely stop-gaps. This is a country-wide problem that goes back decades: purpose-built rental housing delivers a measly return to investors, and tiny tax breaks don’t shield landlords from ever-shifting rules and laws. This impasse isn’t for lack of ideas, since everyone from builders to academics to actual renters have ideas about tax incentives, the best use of capital cost allowances and inclusionary zoning. There just isn’t any interest at the national level at finding a solution.
It seems that we won’t act on Canada’s rental disaster until it’s really ugly, and in our faces. Thirtysomethings who hate their roommates or seniors eating canned food in basement apartments just don’t make a dramatic enough story.
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Study Details Canada's 'Perfect Storm' Housing Problem

Eroding incomes and plunging rental stock leave 380,600 households in 'severe' need.
By David P. Ball, 20 Jun 2013, The Tyee. 

New research into Canada's housing crisis has yielded some disturbing conclusions, including findings that 200,000 Canadians experience homelessness every year, and three-quarters of that group is forced to stay in shelters at some point.

Researchers released their State of Homelessness in Canada 2013 report yesterday, billing it as the first comprehensive look at a growing problem on a national scale. The document also concludes that 380,600 Canadian households are in "severe housing need," and that on any given night there are 30,000 homeless across the country.

The crisis is particularly acute for aboriginal people, as well as gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender youth, the report found.

"The worrying thing is, the numbers may actually be a lot higher than we're estimating... You see eroding incomes for the poorest Canadians, and 10 per cent of households living in poverty. That's very worrying. Homelessness is a lot bigger than who shows up in the shelters and on the streets."

According to The Economist magazine, Vancouver is the most unaffordable city in North America and one of the most expensive in the world. But homelessness, compounded by declining incomes, is "plaguing" cities across Canada.

"The building industry has shifted from building apartments to building condos. We've seen that across the country," he said. "The supply of low-cost rental housing has diminished at the same time that incomes have diminished. It's the perfect storm."

One ongoing problem the report identifies is the increasing reliance on emergency shelters as a solution to homelessness. Those temporary services were never intended as a long-term fix to the problem, Gaetz said. In the end, shelters wind up costing significantly more in services such as health care, mental health and policing.
That's why one of the report's key recommendations is to expand the Housing First approach, which has been tested successfully in Vancouver, Gaetz said.

Such a strategy has proven successful, because when an at-risk person "touches the system" -- for instance, by accessing an emergency shelter, being released from hospital, or interacting with police -- the whole system responds, rather than having that person just move from shelter to shelter, he said. Housing First's integrated systems can work in any community, Gaetz argued.

"If you take most chronic, hardcore homeless person with complex issues, and give them housing and the supports they need -- there's an investment there -- then their health improves, as well as their engagement with the community. That's a strategy we know works... but it needs to be scaled up and accompanied by investment in expanding the affordable housing supply."

"At the end of the day, we're not going to get anywhere without significant new investment in market rental housing and social housing," he added. "There is a fairly serious housing crisis in our country. The economics show it doesn't make financial sense for our country to ignore that problem."